Briefing Notes on the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) under Consideration by the Legislative Bicameral Conference
The Bangsamoro Basic Law was crafted by the Bangamoro Transition Commission (BTC) in accordance with the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) signed by and between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on 27 March 2014. It was a product of 17-years of tortuous negotiations between the two parties, and has undergone a series of consultations among parties in conflict.
The views and aspirations of other stakeholders are also considered, including those of the non-Muslim indigenous peoples, the Christian settlers, migrants and their descendant, other political groups and preeminent leaders in the Bangsamoro communities, professionals and business groups, religious leaders, young people, women, and the internally displaced persons.
The Office of the Presdential Adviser on the Peace Process has reported that as early as 2015, “Significantly, out of these 553 consultation activities, the GPH Panel has met ten (10) times on different occasions with representatives and supporters of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), six (6) times with the Sultanates in Mindanao. thirty two (32) times with the IPs, and one hundred (100) times with leaders and officials of local government units (LGUs)”
President Duterte himself has declared that he will do all in under lawful powers to enact a Bangsamoro Basic Law that would fulfill the right to self-determination of the Bangsamoro.
The proposed BBL was deliberated on in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. Congress passed an amended version of the BBL on May 30, 2018, with 227 representatives in favor, 11 against, and 2 abstention. The Senate passed Senate Bill 1717 or “An Act Providing for the Basic Law for the Bangsamoro and Abolishing the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanaoits own version on the third reading after a marathon hearing on May 29 – 30, 2018. In favor are 21 senators. Two were not able to cast their votes.
Many reacted to the enactment of the BBL with guarded optimism. Grave concerns have been raised whether the current legislated version of the envisioned Bangsamoro political entity have addressed the gaps and challenges in the structure experienced by ARMM or has only tend to diminish or retain the limited gains achieved by the Bangsamoro and their adherents in relation to the ARMM.
The legislative bicameral committee consists of representatives from both the Senate and Congress will sort out the differences between their respective versions of the law and come up with a unified document that they hoped to be submitted for signing by President Duterte on or before his State of the Nation Address on July 24, 2018.
Sifting through the matrix of the versions originally drafted by the BTC, and those that have been approved respectively in the Senate and Congress, Bangsamoro civil society organizations and their peace partners in Mindanao and in Manila have noted that many of the provisions that have been included in the BTC version have been either deleted or amended, even those that are not even tainted with the issue of constitutionality. Among the major observations are the following:
- 1. On the fundamental principles and aspiration for genuine autonomous governance - The fundamental principles of the right to self determination, parity of esteem, and asymmetrical relationships are deleted in the current legislative versions and the reference to the substantive provisions in the CAB have been disregarded.
In the Preamble, the Senate version reads: “Affirming our distinct historical identity and birthright to our ancestral homeland and our right to self-determination (deleted), to chart our political future through a democratic process that will secure our identity and prosperity, and allow for genuine and meaningful self-governance as stipulated in the Comprehensive Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (CAB), Provided, however, that nothing in this Basic Law shall be interpreted as incorporating the powers, duties, and relations under the CAB and other supplementary agreements thereto (added)”
“With the blessing of the Almighty, do hereby promulgate this Bangsamoro Basic Law as the fundamental law of the Bangsamoro that establishes our asymmetrical political relationship with the Central Government on the principles of subsidiarity and parity of esteem (deleted).
- The reference to the right to self-determination is a right that is enshrined even in international human rights instruments. It is given utmost importance, and there is a common provision on such right found in both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, where all peoples are assured of the right of self-determination.
- This deletion ignores the context of the BBL, which is the struggle of the Bangsamoro people for their right to self-determination. It is but proper to mention this rallying point that would give birth to the Bangsamoro. It is definitely an integral part of the history and identity of the Bangsamoro, which the lawmakers have overlooked.
The deleted concepts disregarded the principles that provide for the special status of the Bangsamoro as an autonomous entity, endowed with certain powers, responsibilities and privileges that other sub-national political units do not enjoy. Being an autonomous entity with a list of powers that are provided in the Constitution itself, the Bangsamoro is likewise clothed with a certain status. In the exercise of the Bangsamoro’s powers and functions, the Central Government is enjoined to observe respect with the least possible intervention. In the same way, the Bangsamoro, as a political unit within the confines of the Philippine state, shall respect the powers of the Central Government and should accord it the same level of honor.
- 2. On identity – The Senate version have altered the content and spirit of the BBL drafted by the BTC.
The Senate version reads: Sec. 1. Bangsamoro People. – Those who, at the advent of the Spaniards, were considered natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago and its adjacent islands including Palawan (deleted), and their spouses and (added) descendants, whether of mixed or of full blood, shall have the right to identify themselves as Bangsamoro by ascription or self-ascription. Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro (deleted). The Bangsamoro people are citizens of the Republic of the Philippines pursuant to Article IV of the Constitution (added).
Aspects related to nomenclatures have been changed as well: The House version changed “Bangsamoro” as the name of the new political entity to replace ARMM into “Autonomous Region IN the Bangsamoro;” the Senate version refers to Bangsamoro as “Autonomous Region OF the Bangsamoro.”
The BTC version should have already suffice as it captures the socio-political and historical context pertaining to the assertion of the Bangsamoro identity.
- The Bangsamoro identity is part of the causes by which the struggle for the right to self-determination was waged. In the Senate version, however (Section 1, Article II), the history that was pivotal to the formation of the distinct identity of the Bangsamoro has been subjected to revisionism when the provision deletes “Palawan” as part of the homeland where the native inhabitants lived. Palawan is mentioned because it was part of the Sultanate of Sulu. This is a historical fact that cannot and should not be changed. This part of history of the Bangsamoro is integral to their identity, which is also at the core of the struggle. Including Palawan in Section 1, Article II of the BBL does not mean that it shall be part of the Bangsamoro that shall be established. It merely narrates the history of the native inhabitants who have collectively ascribed to the Bangsamoro identity.
In addition, the same Section 1, Article II of the Senate version of the bill deletes the way by which people are able to acquire a status or a characteristic (of being “Bangsamoro”) by deleting the phrase “ascription or self-ascription”. This is important because the collective identity among the native inhabitants in Mindanao, Sulu and the adjacent islands is acquired by assigning such identity to them by others or by one’s self.
Ascription and self-ascription have been recognized under international and domestic law in defining indigenous peoples.
Lastly, the same Section 1, Article II of the Senate version adds the sentence “The Bangsamoro people are citizens of the Republic of the Philippines pursuant to Article IV of the Constitution”. The inclusion of this provision is not necessary and also distorts the distinct identity that has just been explained in the same section. The struggle of the Bangsamoro is premised on their not being subjugated by Spain as a colonial master. While the rest of the Philippines were effectively placed under the power of the King of Spain, the Bangsamoro remained largely uncolonized for the more than 300 years of Spanish presence. The Bangsamoro waged a strong resistance against the Spaniards, thereby effectively repelling them and protecting their land, resources and political structures. Unfortunately, the Bangsamoro was annexed to the Spanish colonies that were ceded to the United States of America in 1898, despite not being colonized by Spain. Ultimately, when the Philippine Republic was established, and Philippine Constitutions were drawn over the years, the definition of Filipino citizens would refer to those who were subjects of Spain, a trait that is not shared by the Bangsamoro. Thus, adding this sentence, especially under Section 1 which defines the Bangsamoro identity and impliedly refers to their history as an unconquered people, only highlights the lack of knowledge about the Bangsamoro history.
- 3. Repetitious mention of the power of the Constitution over the Bangsamoro - The BTC version recognizes the Constitution which any law cannot go against, and which provides the frame for the laws to be passed by Congress, including the Basic Law. This recognition is enshrined in the preamble of the BTC draft which makes direct reference to the Constitution. But as important as this direct reference is the fact that the draft is replete with provisions that are worded in such a way that principles and provisions found in the Constitution are respected and not violated.
Some examples are the provisions in the BTC version of the BBL on auditing, civil service, Shari’ah justice, elections, and the like, where the Constitution has clearly provided for powers of certain entities such as the Constitutional Commissions, the Judicial and Bar Council, the Supreme Court and the like.
But in the legislated version, for instance, the Senate version insisted on adding: “The Bangsamoro is an integral and inseparable part of the territory of the Republic of the Philippines”, while the version on both houses underscored that the Bangsamoro shall well within “Within the framework of the Constitution and the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Philippines.”
Similar provisions have been added repeatedly in many other sections of the legislated document. The repeated reference to the Constitution suggests how lacking the trust is in favor of the Bangsamoro, such that there is an over-reference that conveys the intent to overly restrict the powers of the Bangsamoro.
One example is the provision of the Senate on the power of the Bangsamoro to contract loans. The opening paragraph of the provision already provides that the powers to be enumerated as powers of the Bangsamoro shall be “subject to the provisions of the Constitution and national laws”, but the item on the power over contracts, Paragraph (c), provide that “Subject to compliance with the 1987 Constitution, relevant laws and regulations, [the Bangsamoro may] contract loans, credits, and other forms of indebtedness with any government or private bank and other lending institutions, except those requiring sovereign guaranty, which would require Central National Government approval xxx” [Senate, Section 3, Article V.
- 3. On fiscal autonomy – Fiscal autonomy is a fundamental aspect of genuine self-governance as contemplated in the BBL version of the BTC. However, the approved legislative texts stray away from that principle and sustains the tight power and control of the central government over the Bangsamoro. The intention of providing the Bangsamoro with the highest level of fiscal autonomy is a matter agreed upon in the CAB . It is based on the premise that there is asymmetry in level of autonomy of the Bangsamoro in comparison with the other sub-national political entities, such as local government units.
The Bangsamoro, being characterized as an autonomous region by no less than the Constitution, is expected to have more powers and more autonomy. Hence, the use of “maximum form of fiscal autonomy” as a principle in the BTC-drafted version of the bill is in keeping with this special status.
Both the Senate and the House of Representatives, ignoring this special status, has taken “maximum form of fiscal autonomy” out of their respective versions [Senate and House: Sections 1 and 17, Article XII].
The Senate deleted the “the maximum form of (fiscal autonomy)” and the “Once full fiscal autonomy has been achieved by the Bangsamoro xxx” in the approved legislative text.
The current versions have also placed in an unfavorable position the Bangsamoro in the provisions pertaining to collection of national taxes. The Senate version changed the sharing scheme from “25% Central Government and 75% Bangsamoro Government” to “50% Central Government and– 50% Bangsamoro Government.” It also deleted the retention clause which states that the share of the Central Government shall be retained by the Bangsamoro Government for a period of 10 years, subject to extension.
Regarding the release of funds, both the House and the Senate version have diminished the power of the Bangsamoro by empowering the Intergovernmental Fiscal Policy Board (IGFPB) “to determine, from time to time, the amounts that must be transferred by the National Government to the Bangsamoro Government, including the manner and mode of transfers, and the standards and conditions therefor.” The legislated version also provides that the “IGFPB shall allocate funds for health, tourism and infrastructure as priority areas for development.”
Moreover, the House version moved budgeting from the list of exclusive powers of the Bangsamoro as proposed by the BTC to that of concurrent powers. At the same time, it provides that the “Intergrovernmental Fiscal Policy Board shall allocate funds for health, tourism and infrastructure as priority areas for development.” The form, content, and manner of preparation of the Bangsamoro budget shall be prescribed by law enacted by the Bangsamoro Parliament consistent with the existing laws, rules, and regulations of the National government. Unless the BTC version of the BBL will prevail, the ‘power of the purse’ will be, once again, denied to the Bangsamoro.
Regarding internal revenue collection and allocation, the Senate version deletes the BTC proposal that collection shall be made by the Bangsamoro and the share of Central Government is remitted by the Bangsamoro. The Senate version allows for 70%-30% sharing (in favor of the ARMM) in the collection of national taxes in the ARMM, but the internal revenue collection will be done by the field offices of the Bureau of Internal Revenues, and the collections are pooled together with all collections elsewhere into one fund. Share of the ARMM can only be released after appropriations by Congress.
As to the transportation and communications, the Senate version provides that the issuance of local franchises, permits, provisional authorities for inter-regional and intra-regional operation of land, air, and water transportation is now a shared power [Section 36, Article XIII]. Meanwhile, regarding tax incentives, the ARMM Law and Executive Order 458 allow the ARMM Government (through the Regional Board of Investments) to give tax incentives including income tax holidays. But the Senate version deleted this and limits the power of the Bangsamoro to grant tax holidays to cover regional taxes only, and not national taxes (e.g., income tax).
- 4. On power-sharing arrangements - The Senate takes away the fundamental provisions on the BTC version of BBL pertaining to delineation of powers, and deleted the BTC proposals on reserved, concurrent, exclusive powers and emphasized that “All the powers of the Bangsamoro Government shall be exercised not only subject to the provisions of the Constitution but also by national laws.”
The House version moved exclusive powers of the Bangsamoro to concurrent powers – to be shared with, if not to be beholden, to the powers of the central government. Moreover, the House version moved exclusive or concurrent powers to reserved. Examples of concurrent powers that have been moved to reserved powers: Quarantine, Penology and penitentiary, Coast guard, Administration of justice, Public order and safety.
Altogether, the reserved powers of the National Government, in the House version, have increased from 9 to 20. The list of concurrent powers has increased from 14 to 21, thereby reducing the exclusive powers for the Bangsamoro Government to nearly half, if we bring together those amendments from both chambers of Congress.
Exclusive powers that have been moved to concurrent powers: Health, Power and energy, Natural resources, Public utilities operations, Budgeting, Protection of the right of indigenous peoples, Cadastral land survey
Senate also takes away the attempt to correct the structural defect of disconnection between the ARMM and the LGUs by, among others, providing that the Bureau of Local Government Finance shall only be a regional office of the national Bureau of Local Government Finance, thereby missing the whole point of providing for a mechanism within the Bangsamoro Government that would connect it to its constituent units.
Other exclusive powers that have been moved to concurrent powers: Shari’ah courts and Shari’ah justice system, Islamic banking system , Transportation and communications, Cultural exchange , Maintenance of public works and, infrastructure, Education and skills training
- 5. On territory – The BBL version of the BTC has defined the “territory” covered by the Bangsamoro political entity as “the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain above it.” It declared that “the Bangsamoro territory shall remain a part of the Philippines.”
The BTC text, in full, appears as: Section 1. Definition of Territory - Territory refers to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain above it. The Bangsamoro territory shall remain a part of the Philippines.
The BTC has identified those territories consistent with the CAB, as follows:
- a. The present geographical area of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao;
- b. The Municipalities of Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal in the province of Lanao del Norte and all other barangays in the Municipalities of Kabacan, Carmen, Aleosan, Pigkawayan, Pikit, and Midsayap that voted for inclusion in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao during the 2001 plebiscite;
- c. The cities of Cotabato and Isabela; and
- d. All other contiguous areas where there is resolution of the local government unit or a petition of at least ten percent (10%) of the registered voters in the area asking for their inclusion at least two months prior to the conduct of the ratification of this Basic Law and the process of delimitation of the Bangsamoro.
The House version tends to weaken the concept of the Bangsamoro territory by calling it the Bangsamoro Geographical Area. The BTC text has been changed into the following:
Section 1. The Bangsamoro Geographical Area (changed and added) refers to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain above it waters over which the Autonomous Region in the Bangsamoro has jurisdiction (changed and added). The Autonomous Region in the Bangsamoro territory shall remain a part of the national territory of the Republic of the Philippines as defined by the Constitution and national laws (changed and added)
The Senate version, for its part, referred to the Bangsamoro territory as “territorial jurisdiction” and deleted or changed some elements in the BTC definition. The current provision reads:
Sec. 1. Definition of Territorial Jurisdiction. - refers to the land mass as well as the waters over which the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region has territorial jurisdiction. It shall remain a an integral and inseparable part of the Philippines national territory of the Republic as defined by the Constitution and existing laws.
While the provision acknowledged that the “Bangsamoro territorial jurisdiction” also covers “all other contiguous areas where there is a resolution of the local government unit,” it raised the requirement for a petition to join the Bangsamoro from “at least ten percent (10%)” to twenty percent (20%) of the registered voters in the area.
It also tends to restricts the requirement for inclusion of other territories by adding “as certified to by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), asking for their inclusion at least two months prior to the conduct of the ratification of this Basic Law and the process of delimitation of the Bangsamoro xxx” and insisted on the requirement “that in the conduct of the plebiscite, a majority vote in the mother province or city to which it belongs is obtained, except in the case where Congress has identified and declared the concerned local government area as geographic area.”
These versions defeat the intention to facilitate the process of deciding whether marginalized communities of the Bangsamoro outside of the ARMM want to be part of the Bangsamoro or not. The right of Bangsamoro and other stakeholders to be part of the new political entity is acknowledged in the CAB; it is designed to address the historical injustice that happened when the Moros and other native inhabitants were dispossessed of their lands due to state-sponsored migration and the gerrymandering that happened later. With the Moro enclaves reduced to the level of municipalities and barangays in the different settler-majority provinces of Mindanao, there is a need for a creative way of providing a chance to these municipalities and barangays to be part of the autonomy. Hence, the BTC provision on the core territory and the periodic plebiscites.
Unfortunately, the legislated versions throw out the creative way of allowing these smaller geographic areas to be part of the Bangsamoro by providing that the 6 municipalities of Lanao del Norte and the 39 barangays of North Cotabato identified to be part of the core territory need to have the consent of their mother units in order to become part of the Bangsamoro. This requirement for a double majority is not in accordance with the Constitution (Section 18, Article X) and would in all probability defeat the aspiration of these communities to be part of the Bangsamoro, as their mother units are settler-dominated and would not favor their joining the Bangsamoro.
In addition to the inclusion of petitioning contiguous areas in the first plebiscite, the CAB and the BTC bill propose the conduct of periodic plebiscites after the ratification of the BBL as a mechanism aimed at channeling the grievances of former Moro areas which have been lost due to Manila colonial policies, from armed struggle to a democratic process of a plebiscite. But the Senate and the House versions deleted all the provisions that would allow subsequent plebiscites.
- 6. On Ancestral domain and natural resources – In the House version, the preservation of the management of inland waters are not exclusive to the Bangsamoro if these waters provide energy to power generating plants (Section 3, Article III). In Section 24, Article XIII, the same statement appears.
In the Senate, the power to regulate inland waters in general has been deleted (Section 21, Article XIII).
Effectively, these amendments would take away the regulatory power of the Bangsamoro over Lake Lanao, as this is use for the generation of power.
A scholar of Bangsamoro history would know that their identity is also defined by their ancestral domain, and the natural resources therein. Hence, the Tausugs are called such because that name refers to “people of the current”, referring to the Sulu Seas. The Maguinadanaon are the “people of the flooded plains”, referring to the Liguasan and the other marshes connected thereto. The Meranaos are called the “people of the lake”, referring to Lake Lanao.
Thus, reducing the powers of the Bangsamoro over Lake Lanao would be an upfront to the Bangsamoro heritage, history and identity.
The inclusion of Bangsamoro Waters in the CAB is a deliberate attempt to, again, address the historical injustice and the legitimate grievances of the Bangsamoro. Some Bangsamoro ethno-linguistic groups have been driven away from their traditional fishing grounds upon the annexation of their homeland to the Philippines. With powers over these waters being taken by the Central Government as well as local governments, these groups have been relegated to fish in shallower waters and others have to give up fishing altogether as they have not been able to compete with the high-tech equipment of the big fishing vessels that have been granted fishing rights in these waters.
The amendments on Bangsamoro Waters (deletion in the case of the Senate, and reduction to mere 4 kilometers in the case of the House versions) also negatively impact on the Bangsamoro identity as these waters are part of the identity of the Bangsamoro. Reducing the waters or taking it away is like not recognizing these waters as being part of the Bangsamoro and their history, as well as their identity.
Reactions and Recommendations
Civil society organizations in and out of Mindanao have raised concerns about the passage of a “very diluted” version of the Bangsamoro Basic Law which is supposed to be the enabling law of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB), the peace agreement signed by government (GPH) and the MILF on March 27, 2014.
For them, contextualizing the Bangsamoro Peace Agreements from the lens of Historical Injustices, Marginalization, Minoritization, and Structural injustices would give a clearer perspective in analyzing the BBL.
They called on all members of the Bicam to give life and spirit to the provisions of the CAB by faithfully considering the provisions laid down in the BBL by the BTC. In particular, they ask the lawmakers and President Duterte, himself, to do all they can within their lawful capacities to:
- Uphold the principles on the right to self-determination and restore the list of powers of the Bangsamoro, as agreed upon in the CAB;
- Allow meaningful autonomy and real self-governance, with minimal intervention and imposition from National Government;
- Build upon and expand the powers of the ARMM;
- Return effective control over and benefits of the natural resources in the Bangsamoro territory to the Bangsamoro, as pronounced by the President himself on June 16, 2018 in his Eid’l Fit’r speech; and
- Provide for a high level of fiscal autonomy with the block grant being released regularly and automatically to the Bangsamoro Government.
- Allow the Bangsamoro to meaningfully decide on their inclusion to the new political entity by sustaining the BTC-BBL provisions on the plebiscite
Together, let us build a strong autonomy. Together, let us strive for peace
- Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS)
- Social Action Center (SAC), Archdiocese of Cotabato City
- Mindanao Solidarity Network (MSN)
- Confederated Descendants of Rajah Mamalu (CDORM)
- League of Bangsamoro Civil Society (FBCSO)
- Suara Kalilintad
- Suwara Paguntawal sa Lalaog a Kalilintad (SPLK)
- Cotabato Center for Peace and Development Initiatives, Inc. (CCPDI)
- Balay Rehabilitation Center
- Bantay Ceasefire
- North Cotabato Composite Team of CSOs (NCCT-CSO)
- Cotabato Center for Peace and Development (CCPDI)
- Community-based Peace and Protection Center (CBPPC)
- Early Warning Early Response (EWER)
- Grassroots Against Poverty and Hunger (GAP-HUNGER)
- Integrated Mindanawon Association of Natives (IMAN)
- SUARA Kalilintad
- Tiyakap Kalilintad Incorporated (TKI)- North Cotabato and Maguindanao
- United Youth for Peace and Development Cluster 1 (UNYPAD)
- United Youth for Peace and Development Cluster 2 (UNYPAD)
- United Youth for Peace and Development Cluster 3 (UNYPAD
- Local Initiatives for Peace and Development (LIPAD)
- Oblate of Mary Immaculate Foundation-Inter-Religious Dialogue (OMFI- IRD)
- GZO Peace Institute
- Bridges of Inter-cultural Harmony Inc.
- Mindanao Youth for Peace (MyPeace) and Affiliates: University of Southern Mindanao (USM) Chapter/- Southern Christian College (SCC) Chapter/Lampagang-Bagumbayan-Damawato (LamBaDa) Youth Organization/GiNaPaLaDTaKa (G7) Youth Organization/ Bagolibas Youth Muslim Christian Organization (BYMCO)/ Dualing Youth Organization (DuaYO)/ Dunguan Islamic Youth Organization (DIYO)/ Lower Mingading Islamic Youth for Peace Organization (LMYPO)/ Pagangan Young Leaders Organization (PYLO)/ Tapodok Active Youth for Peace Organization (TAYOPO)/ ChrisLam (Christian & Islam) Youth Organization/ Malingao Islamic Youth for Peace Organization (MIYPO)/Mudseng Islamic Youth Organization (MIYO)/ Nabalawag Young Leaders Organization (NYLO)/Palongoguen Bangsamoro Christian Youth for Peace Organization (PBCYPO)/ Rangaban Youth Organization (RYO)/Lumpukan nu Kangudan sa Libutan; sa Lalawg a Kalilintad (LKLLK)/Suwara nu Kangudan; Salindaw nu Madakel (SKSM)/Kangudan sa Tukanalipao; Ungaya nen e Kambayabaya nu Bangsamoro ST UKB)/ Bialong Islamic Youth Organization (BIYO)/Suwara nu Kangudan; Sigay nu Brgy. Lapok (SK-SBL)/ Singanen nu Kangudan, a Pinagedan nu Madakel (SKPM)/ MYPEACE Silik High School Chapter